Recent News and Reports on West Papua

Papuan Activist's Daughter Attacked

Sarah Smiles, Canberra

The Age October 1, 2007

THE 17-year-old daughter of a prominent Papuan activist has been kidnapped, drugged and assaulted at gunpoint by a group allegedly linked to Indonesian security forces, human rights workers have reported.

Yane Waromi, the daughter of Edison Waromi, was reportedly abducted on the outskirts of Papua's capital, Jayapura, after getting in a car that she thought was a taxi. She was then drugged, taken to a house and abused.

The attack is part of a rise in violence directed against pro-independence Papuan activists in the Indonesian province. Analysts believe the attacks are a response to activists holding sensitive talks about forming a unified front to negotiate rights with Indonesia.

Mr Waromi, who heads the West Papua National Authority, has reportedly been receiving death threats. His daughter was found semi-conscious near a stream after the 18-hour ordeal.

"They beat her, tortured her, and now she can't speak because she's been traumatised," said Reverend Socratez Sofyan Yoman, the chairman of Papua's Baptist Church.

Reverend Yoman said the human rights situation in Papua had deteriorated, despite a 2001 "special autonomy" agreement negotiated with Jakarta. The agreement was meant to devolve local governance to Papuans, but Reverend Yoman said the Indonesian military had increased troop numbers in the province and human rights abuses continued. He said Indonesian migration to the province had also increased.

"It's a terrible situation in West Papua the special autonomy agreement has failed," Reverend Yoman said. "We want to make a genuine peaceful dialogue (with Indonesia) mediated by the international community to solve the West Papuan problem."

Dino Kusnadi, a spokesman for the Indonesian Embassy in Canberra, denied that the attacks on activists were committed by the Indonesian military or police. "The attacks on activists (are) criminal rather than political," he said.

Mr Kusnadi said he travelled to Jayapura last month with Indonesian ambassador Hamzah Thayeb and a delegation of 35 Indonesian officials to observe the status of the special autonomy agreement.

He said it was working and that reports by human rights groups were "very far from the truth".

Mr Kusnadi said troop increases in Papua were due to the establishment of a naval base there.

But Damien Kingsbury, an Indonesian expert at Deakin University, said the troop increase started before the naval base's establishment, and the military was predatory.

"Because troops are not adequately funded by the Government, they have to make a living from local activities, and that's usually around things like extortion and protection rackets," he said.

"There's been a rise in attacks against West Papuan leaders and organisations because the army is concerned about the possibility that West Papuans are getting organised to take a claim to the international community."

Indonesian Military Operation in Jamo Valley causes starvation and displacement

ﾊThese sources said that a mother and two children died from starvation when they were hiding in the forest after fleeing the military operations.

ﾊ Localﾊpeople are reported to have been beaten by Indonesian security forces and many people have fled to the surrounding forests and mountains to hide.

ﾊ Human rights workers say that the affected area includes the villages of Wundu and Propalo.ﾊﾊﾊThe only way in and out of this rugged area is by walking or light aircraft or helicopter.

ﾊ The troops involved in the operation were reported to be from TNI Battalion 756 in Wamena and Battalion 752 Nabire and the paramilitary Mobile Police Brigade (Brimob) from Jayapura.

ﾊ One source said that the military operations began when the TNIﾊ and police came from Mulia to surround a hideout of the OPM/TPN guerrilla leader Goliat Tabuni. It was reported that this military operation was unsuccessful.ﾊ

ﾊ Anotherﾊreport said that the entire population of young people (men and women) in some villages had fled into the forests and mountains in fear of reprisals from the Indonesian security forces.ﾊﾊThe Indonesian security forces are said to have accused the villagers of supporting Goliat Tabuni and the OPM/TPN guerrillas.ﾊﾊThis source also said that only young children and old people are left in Wundu and Propalo villages and that they are traumatised.

ﾊ "The security forces surrounded our church, forced us out of church and beat us. They destroyed our houses, pigs, and food gardens. We villagers become the victims, caught between the TPN/OPM on one side and the Indonesian military on the other. That is why people have fled their villages." said a source from the area who did not want to be named.

ﾊ The Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights (IPAHR) is deeply concerned about the welfare and security of local people in the Jamo valley in Puncak Jaya.ﾊ

ﾊ "Over the past year the people in this region have been repeatedly been displaced from their homes by military operations.ﾊﾊThe repeated military offensives and ongoing occupation of this region by the Indonesian security forces makes the lives of the people very difficult and means that people have had to flee their homes, pigs and food gardens and live from the little they can find in the mountain forests," said Paula Makabory representing Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights.

ﾊ"The capacity of local human rights and church workers to assist is also severely constrained by the Indonesian security forces and the Goliat Tabuniﾕs OPM/TPN group." "The Indonesian Government ban on international media & humanitarian organisations in West Papua means that international community cannot assess of the situation or provide humanitarian assistance in the Jamo valley."

ﾊ For more information contact:
Paula Makabory, Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rightsﾊ ﾊTel +61ﾊﾊ402547517
Matthew Jamieson, Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rightsﾊ Tel + 61 418291998

Cover-up fear over dead in mine riot

The Age, Melbourne.
By Andra Jackson
March 27, 2006

AN ANGLICAN minister from Victoria witnessed a confrontation in West Papua between protesters and Indonesian police, who fired rifles and tear gas into the air before charging into a demonstration that turned into a deadly riot.

Five members of the Indonesian security forces were killed in the March 16 confrontation, which grew out of a protest by students, academics and West Papuan highlanders against the US-owned Freeport gold mine. The demonstration began outside Cendrawasih University, Abepura, outside the provincial capital, Jayapura.

The Reverend Peter Woods, from St Andrews Church, Somerville, on the Mornington Peninsula, was visiting West Papua at the invitation of the indigenous Bethel church. He encountered the protest on the way to an appointment at the university. Pictures he took of the scene are the first to be published in Australia.

Mr Woods said police lost control of the protest, which turned into a riot in which angry demonstrators stoned and killed three policemen and one intelligence officer. But the numbers of Papuans beaten and killed on the day or in later reprisals had been covered up, he said. He said media, family, friends and other concerned people had been refused access to Jayapura's main hospital where the injured and a fourth policeman who later died were taken. "There were wounded people, including children. Children had been shot. That has not been publicly aired yet." Mr Woods said he had heard from a number of consistent sources that a five-year-old child had been shot.

Among those bashed was the university's law and politics lecturer, Franz Kapissa, whom Mr Woods had gone to meet. He photographed his swollen face.

Mr Woods said news footage on Indonesian television showed "two plain-clothes officers shooting pistols, firing into the gates of the university". "It looked to me that one of them was taking potshots just trying to pick off who he could. He wasn't firing above heads, he was firing at people. There was footage on Indonesian television of policemen shooting into the air out of cars and on the backs of motorbikes."

The March 16 protest was the second day of demonstrations over the Freeport mine. The protesters had barricaded a section of road leading to the main airport. Mr Woods said he saw 400 to 500 protesters, some sitting on the road, some standing in the university, confronted by about 100 armed police. He was standing in the university grounds with a video camera, filming down on to the road. "There was high emotion and incredible tensions. I saw bottles gathered."

He said organisers tried to calm everybody down and gestured for people to stay sitting. "There was at least 50 metres between the line of police and the demonstrators," he said. "I filmed the first advance by the police, and there wasn't any interest in further negotiation shown by those of the police who were negotiating with the leaders."

The protesters offered to leave one side of the road open but were told to disperse, he said. When the leaders refused, "there was a charge onto the demonstrators by firing into the air tear gas. They fired rifle fire into the air."

"I got out of the initial surge and the gunfire, and as it turned out it was probably a good thing I did get out, otherwise I would have been a target," said Mr Woods, who returned to Australia on Saturday night.

Democrats senator Natasha Stott Despoja said at the weekend that human rights group were investigating reports that up to 16 students had been murdered by security forces. Mr Woods said that while in West Papua he had heard that 16 students had been killed in revenge attacks, but had been unable to verify this. He said that since returning home he had spoken to a church leader in West Papua who said a member of the Indonesian riot squad, BRIMOC, had told him: "There have been killings. It hasn't come out yet."

The Age approached Foreign Minister Alexander Downer for comment on Mr Woods claims but his office failed to respond last night. The claims come as the granting of protection visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers has strained relations between Jakarta and Canberra. Prime Minister John Howard yesterday dismissed suggestions that Indonesia could retaliate by blocking a prisoner exchange scheme, which could allow convicted drug smugglers Schapelle Corby and the Bali nine to serve their time in Australia.

Mr Howard said he believed the West Papua issue would have no impact on the prisoner transfer negotiations or on relations with Indonesia. "It will not disturb the close friendship between the governments of the two countries," he said. "We do not support for a moment the West Papuan independence claim. To those who are urging us to do so, I say we will not." He also warned that the decision to give the 42 Papuans protection visas was not a green light for others to follow.

Meanwhile, three Papuans have reportedly sought political asylum in Papua New Guinea following the Abepura riots.

Problem of Papuan refugees

In disputes between Indonesia and Australia, like the conflict over West Irian, the confrontation with Malaysia in the 1960s and the crisis over East Timor in the 1970s, great powers like Japan, China and the U.S. have sided with Indonesia or stayed on the sidelines. These issues were all driven by politics in Jakarta and in none of these did Australia play a decisive role.

In the West Irian issue, where Indonesia claimed the territory from the Dutch as a successor state, U.S. intervention was decisive in the outcome. In the East Timor crisis, after the East Timor people voted for independence, the U.S. virtually forced Indonesia to agree to accept peacekeepers to maintain the peace.

Relations between Indonesia and Australia have now reached a new low, following the granting of temporary visas to 42 Papuans seeking political asylum in Australia. Some political parties in Indonesia and their representatives in the legislature have threatened to end cooperation with Canberra over a whole range of matters.

There is some concern in Jakarta about Canberra's intentions, despite Prime Minister John Howard's assurance that Australia will continue to recognize Indonesia's sovereignty over West Papua. Any Indonesian government will have to face further Australian pressure on human rights in West Papua, seeing this pressure as covert support for secession movements there.

There is an opinion which is widely shared by many Indonesians, except the Army, that they can swallow the loss of East Timor, as it was not part of the original independence settlement with the Dutch. But they will not tolerate the dismantling of the Indonesia Republic. And they strongly suspect a possible Australian role in this dismantling. Various groups in Australia are still protesting human rights abuses in West Papua, and are not receptive to arguments about the international legal difference between East Timor and West Papua.

On the Papuan refugee problem, the Australian prime minister tried to downplay the issue by saying that "Australia will continue to recognize Jakarta's sovereignty over West Papua". He maintained that Canberra is not conniving or encouraging any independence movement in the territory. He reminded people in Indonesia critical of his handling of the problem that Australia was "a great asset for Indonesia", and then mentioned how much Australia has done to support Indonesia. In other words, the Indonesian people should be grateful for Australia's support in times of natural disaster.

The length and depth of damage to bilateral relationships depends on the ability of both governments to reassess their national interests in the context of future power configurations in the region, and this will be a real test of reconstructing the bilateral relationship. From the Indonesian side, it will need to address the Papua issue internally to avoid it becoming an Australian and international issue by giving more attention to the grievances of the Papuan people. And it is not sufficient to assure Canberra and the world that the refugees will not be prosecuted if they return to Papua.

Jakarta seems to underestimate the influence of Australia's internal political dynamics on the government in Canberra, where the unrest in West Papua is creating an active political constituency. No government can operate its foreign policy without consideration for the constituency that put it in power. On the Papuan refugees, Howard may have realized that even if the government believes it is following a course of action in Australia's best interests, this should never be advanced to the point where public opinion is ignored.

There are three major future problems in Australia's bilateral relationship with Indonesia. The first is that West Papua will be a continuing problem for both sides, and it will require a deep level of cooperation between Indonesia and Australia to manage this. That deep level of cooperation does not now exist, but it is in both states' interests to prevent West Papua from becoming a source of trouble in their bilateral relationship.

The second is a related one: The trust that is required on both sides is mostly gone. That trust, especially after President Yudhoyono came to power, was that Australia wanted Indonesia to succeed in its national vision of becoming a secure, well regarded and economically successful country.

That vision has suffered a terrible blow after the Papuan refugee issue. Steps by both governments should be taken to end the blame game, besides a proper balancing of Australian interests toward Indonesia and West Papua. Australia needs to recognize that simply ignoring Indonesia or, worse, undermining it in the region are simply not options. Australia should realize that by acting as a U.S. deputy sheriff and imposing its will on its neighbors in a region where Australia must still live, Australia may find itself genuinely not acting in its own national interests. The alliance with the U.S. is being transformed in such a way that Australia does more, the U.S. does less, and yet Australia is expected to back up American policy preferences, as we have seen in Australia's support for the war in Iraq.

The writer earned a PhD in International Relations from Leyden University, the Netherlands.

Australia should support human rights

While the issue of West Papua is putting Australia's bilateral relationship with Indonesia under strain, the issue is also resulting in strange bedfellows. In Australia, the socialist left and the evangelical right both appear increasingly supportive of the separatist movement in the troubled region. While it would be heartless to ignore the human rights abuses committed against the people concerned, it is mindless of these groups to translate this concern into a push for their independence.

Integration into Indonesia is a double-edged sword for most West Papuans. On one hand, large portions of their natural resources are sucked to Jakarta and human rights abuses continue to occur at the hands of unruly police and military officials. Through the Transmigration Policy, indigenous Papuan culture faces threats from outsiders -- many of whom arrive with prejudices toward their poorer countrymen in West Papua.

On the other hand, however, integration into Indonesia also offers West Papuans the opportunity to access affordable primary and secondary education, and for a growing number to attend universities in learning centers like Yogyakarta and Salatiga. Upon graduation, these people can then participate in an Indonesia-wide labor market, which offers far more opportunities to earn income and build an experience base than would be available in an independent West Papua.

Would-be supporters of West Papuan independence need to think about what an independent West Papua would be able to offer its people. In doing so, they should bear in mind that there is little binding the separatists other than a shared dislike for the Javanese and other non-Melanesian Indonesians.

The West Papuans are not a separate ethnic group but dozens of disparate tribes -- the independence activists, for example, speak to each other in Indonesian. In a post-modern society like Australia, this lack of binding ties need not necessarily become a problem. In a deeply traditional society like West Papua, however, this lack of a shared history, culture, and language would lead to an independent West Papua becoming riddled with tribalism and inter-ethnic conflict.

The trouble in West Papua is rooted in the fact that the area enjoys an abundance of natural resources while suffering from an acute shortage of human resources. Supporting independence therefore takes the focus away from what the people of West Papua most urgently need: skills.

As experience from all over the world shows us -- although one need not look past neighboring Papua New Guinea -- converting natural resources to jobs in a country short of human resources is usually an exercise in futility. When compounded with increasing tribalism, the unemployment rate would contribute to a complete disintegration of law and order.

A further disintegration of social order in a place like West Papua could lead to even more illegal logging, unauthorized mining and perhaps even a civil war-like situation. For Australia, this spiral toward a failed state could spell a hive for drug traffickers and money launderers on our doorstep.

It would also mean an aid-dependent neighbor, with our aid money being spent on building a nation from scratch rather than equipping its would-be citizens with the means to participate in a modern economy. It does not look like a pretty picture, and even less so when weighed against the inevitable bloodshed that would be required to achieve it. Does this all mean that, as Australians, we should simply ignore the plight of the West Papuans? Of course not. Falling prey to the false dichotomy of supporting independence or not caring at all does not help anyone. There are many things we can do for the people of West Papua. As individuals we can donate to the various organizations working to improve the health and education of West Papuans. We can even volunteer in the area, support the nascent eco-tourism industry or get involved in fair-mining campaigns.

Similarly, there is much the Australian Government can do to support human rights in West Papua without supporting the independence movement. More aid can be channeled to the province, particularly for the development of the "soft" infrastructure the province is so seriously lacking, such as improvements to the legal system, education and vocational training.

Australia can also assist with the implementation of the Special Autonomy package that has been offered to West Papua. As a country with a relatively successful record of distributing power between national and sub-national governments, Australia has the experience to back up such assistance.

If we put our minds to it, there are sure to be countless ways we can support human rights in West Papua. The ideas will only start to flow, however, when we put look beyond the simplistically romantic notion of independence and begin to consider what is really in the best interests of the West Papuans.

The writer worked as a Consultant to the United Nations in Indonesia and East Timor, 2003-2006. The views expressed here are his own.